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The FDA Keeps Approving Nicotine Pouches Faster Than It Can Explain Why Teenagers Are the Ones Getting Hooked

New York just taxed nicotine pouches at 75% wholesale. The FDA authorized 11 more ZYN products and Juul's first new device in a decade the same month. Both things are true because nobody designed this system to move at the same speed as the market it regulates.

ByThe Rize NewsroomSeptember 5, 20266 min readNicotine & Tobacco

Walk up to a gas station counter almost anywhere in the country right now and the display behind the register has changed in the last two years in a way most adults haven’t clocked: alongside the cigarette cartons, there’s now a rotating island of small tins in flavors like Citrus, Cool Mint, and Wintergreen, stacked next to disposable vapes in colors that could sell candy. That island is where a $404 million market lived last year, up from $145 million the year before — nearly tripling in twelve months, according to Truth Initiative’s most recent tracking of the category. This week, two things happened to that market on the same short timeline that tell you almost everything about how nicotine regulation actually works in 2026: a state taxed it hard, and the federal government kept approving more of it.

The FDA and a state legislature just answered the same question about nicotine pouches in opposite directions, and both of them are right about part of it. On September 1, New York’s new 75% wholesale tax on nicotine pouches, gum, and lozenges took effect, projected to raise roughly $18 million in its first year. A week earlier, the FDA authorized Juul’s first new device in over a decade — JUUL2, with an optional age-verification feature — on the strength of company data showing a “substantial proportion” of adult smokers completely switched to it. A week before that, the FDA authorized 11 new ZYN ULTRA pouch products, bringing the federal government’s total list of legally marketable nicotine pouches to 43. New York taxed the product as a public-health risk. The FDA, in the same month, kept adding more of it to the shelf as a public-health tool. Neither agency is lying. They’re answering different questions with the same word.

The FDA’s actual job is “less harmful than cigarettes,” not “safe”

Here’s the plain-language version of what the FDA is legally doing when it “authorizes” a nicotine product, because the word gets used as though it means “approved as safe” and it doesn’t mean that at all: since 2009, the agency has had the power to review new tobacco and nicotine products under a standard called “appropriate for the protection of public health” — not a finding that the product is harmless, but a comparative judgment that authorizing it will do more good, by pulling smokers off cigarettes, than harm, by creating new nicotine users who wouldn’t otherwise have started. That authority didn’t exist for most of the twentieth century. The FDA under Commissioner David Kessler tried to claim jurisdiction over nicotine as a drug in 1996, and the tobacco industry fought it all the way to the Supreme Court, which ruled in 2000 that Congress had never actually given the FDA that power. It took another nine years and a new law — the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act of 2009 — before the agency got the authority it now uses to authorize products like ZYN ULTRA and JUUL2. The FDA spent thirteen years fighting for the right to regulate nicotine at all. It has had that right for seventeen years, and the market it’s regulating still outpaces it.

That comparative standard is also why “authorized” and “approved” landing on the same shelf as “still probably not great for you” isn’t a contradiction. If a pouch pulls an adult two-pack-a-day smoker off combustible cigarettes — which cause the overwhelming majority of tobacco-related disease and death — the FDA’s math can say that’s a net public-health win even while the pouch itself delivers a real, dependence-forming dose of nicotine. The problem the standard was never built to weigh cleanly is what happens when the person picking up the tin at the gas station was never a smoker in the first place.

Why a mint-flavored pouch hooks faster than a cigarette used to

This is the part that gets skipped in most coverage of pouches, and it’s worth translating because it explains why regulators are worried about youth uptake specifically: most nicotine pouches and modern vapes deliver nicotine as a “salt” rather than in the older “freebase” form cigarettes use. In plain terms, nicotine salt is smoother and less harsh going down — it doesn’t produce the throat-burning hit that made a person’s first cigarette an unpleasant experience their body used as a warning sign. That harshness used to do real, if brutal, work: it slowed down how fast a new user could comfortably take in more nicotine. Salt-based nicotine strips that warning signal out, which is a large part of why Truth Initiative’s tracking found 97.7% of youth e-cigarette users already gravitating toward flavored products, and why kids can build a daily habit on pouches or vapes faster than earlier generations built one on cigarettes. The chemistry got more efficient at exactly the point where efficiency stopped being the goal.

The chemistry got more efficient at exactly the point where efficiency stopped being the goal.

If you’re a parent, a case manager, or someone who worked hard to quit nicotine yourself and you’re reading the words “less harmful than cigarettes” as a green light for a teenager in your life, that’s the gap this whole regulatory fight is about — the FDA’s authorization standard was never a statement that a product is fine for someone who wasn’t already smoking, and the marketing rarely makes that distinction for you.

What actually moves the needle while Washington and Albany argue

None of this means every intervention is equally slow. Taxation, unlike federal product authorization, is a lever states can pull immediately and adjust year to year, which is exactly what New York just did — and it’s a genuinely evidence-backed one: price increases are one of the most consistently effective tools for reducing youth tobacco and nicotine initiation, because teenagers, more than adult smokers with an established habit, are price-sensitive. That’s the trade New York is explicitly making: raise the cost enough to blunt uptake among the population least able to absorb a price hike, while adult smokers who’ve already found a pouch that got them off cigarettes keep paying more for a product regulators still consider the better of two options.

For providers thinking about this in a screening context, the practical takeaway is narrower than the policy fight: ask patients what they’re actually using, not just whether they “smoke.” A patient who told you two years ago they quit cigarettes and didn’t mention picking up pouches in the meantime is still carrying a nicotine dependence your chart may not reflect — and the salt-based delivery means their tolerance may already be higher than a same-duration cigarette habit would have produced.

The market didn’t wait for anyone to settle the argument about what nicotine pouches are for. It just kept growing — tripling in a year, adding 43 federally authorized products and counting — while the two governments responsible for deciding what “appropriate for public health” means kept answering the question one authorization and one tax bracket at a time.

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policytrendsbiologyVapingFDA

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